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understanding the need to work with men

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understanding the need to work with men
masculinity in south africa
intersection between masculinity and child wellbeing
intersection between masculinity and hiv
references
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Men are the key in curbing the spread of HIV, reducing the violence and abuse that plagues our country and in the promotion of child and community wellbeing. Given TAI’s excellent track record in male focussed projects and the obvious necessity for such projects, TAI will continue to invest in the development and improvement of masculinities projects.

“On Saturday, 1 November 2008, the Carnarvon SAPS arrested an 18-year-old man for the alleged rape, indecent assault and assault of a 10-year old girl, her 75-year old grandmother and 54-year old disabled uncle. On Friday, 31 October 2008, at approximately 21:15, there were a knock on the door of the victims. The uncle went to investigate but found that the door have been opened already. The accused was already in the house, armed with a brick and a knife. The accused forced the victims to the bedroom. He threatened the victims that he will kill them. The accused assaulted the grandmother and raped her. The accused then assault the girl indecently. The uncle could not help them, because he is disabled.”1

men and crime in south africa

analysis of current incarcerations rates2

It is very important to note the high level of young people (29.94%, n=34529) and men (97.84%, n=112835) that are currently sentenced and incarcerated by the Department of Correctional Services. Of the crimes committed the vast majority are aggressive. There are an almost equal number of women sentenced for economic and violent crimes. However, 62775 male inmates committed violent crimes and only 24669 committed economic crimes.

This is an analysis of incarceration rates as at the end of September 2008 and excludes Awaiting Trial Detainees.

table 1: incarceration rates by crime, age and gender groups
crime category 
total 
18–25 
<18 
female 
male 
Economic
25681 9896 281 1012 24669
Aggressive 63903 18038 381 1128 62775
Sexual 
18279 
4388 
138 
14 
18265 
Narcotics 
2517 
659 
15 
189 
2328 
Other 
4945 
1548 
52 
147 
4798 
115325 
34529 
867 
2490 
112835 

 

table 2: percentages by crime, age and gender groups
crime category 
total 
18–25 
<18 female male 
Economic 
22.27% 
8.58% 
0.24% 
0.88% 
21.39% 
Aggressive 55.41% 
15.64% 
0.33% 
0.98% 
54.43% 
Sexual 
15.85% 
3.80% 
0.12% 
0.01% 
15.84% 
Narcotics 
2.18% 
0.57% 
0.01% 
0.16% 
2.02% 
Other 
4.29% 
1.34% 
0.05% 
0.13% 
4.16% 
100.00% 
29.94% 
0.75% 
2.16% 
97.84% 

Awaiting Trial Detainees (ATD) contribute the following statistics:

category 
no. 
ATDs Under 13 

Unsentenced 14-18 
835 
18-25 year old youth 
23828 
Women 
544 
Adult Men 
23186 
Total ATDS 
48394 

Although women do commit crimes, by far the main perpetrators are male of both the youth and adult age groups.

analysis of reported serious crime in 2007/20083

table 3: breakdown of serious reported crime in 2007/2008
crime category 
2007/2008 
no. per day 
Murder 
18487 
50.65 
Rape* (April - December) 
36190 
99.15 
Attempted murder 
18795 
51.49 
Assault with the intent to inflict grievous bodily harm 
210104 
575.63 
Common assault 
198049 
542.6 
Indecent assault* (April - December) 
6763 
18.53 
Robbery with aggravating circumstances 
118312 324.14 
Common robbery 
64985 
178.04 
Carjacking 
14201 
38.91 
Robbery at residential premises 
14481 
39.67 

* The implementation of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act, Act 32 of 2007 on 16 December 2007 resulted in changes to the definitions of certain sexual offences (inter alia providing for male rape, which was previously recorded under indecent assault). This has an impact on the statistics pertaining to sexual offences. The statistics reflected in the table above with regard to rape and indecent assault thus only have bearing on the period April to December of the different financial years under review to allow for some sort of comparison.

According the above statistics, serious violent crimes (murder, rape, attempted murder, assault GBH, common assault and indecent assault: n = 488 388) are more prevalent than serious economic crimes (robbery with aggravating circumstances, common robbery, carjacking, robbery at residential premises: n = 211 979). From this it could be inferred that, despite South Africa’s high level of poverty, the vast majority of crimes that cause physical and emotional harm and are punishable by incarceration are not motivated by economic reasons.


masculinity in south africa

For a number of reasons, beyond the scope of this document, both masculinity and femininity have become drastically and harmfully skewed in South Africa. This is evidenced by, for example, the high levels of rape by male perpetrators, as well as the condoning behaviours of guardians (male and female) who know their children are being raped but allow the abuse to continue for fear, economic support and/or other reasons. There is also little research done around older women sexually assaulting young boys so this aspect cannot be fully discussed – although TAI has collected numerous stories of it occurring.

the way we see men

Perceptions of masculinity, and therefore men, are very negative in the light of the high levels of violence and abuse perpetrated by men. There are 23,562,600 men in South Africa4. 112,835 (0.48% of the total male population) are currently incarcerated for committing crimes. Yet the main focus of the reports in the news and the research done is the effect of the few and not the many. In many ways, it is assumed that most men (if not all!) are rapists and wife beaters, the law just hasn’t caught up with them yet / they got off because the docket got lost / they threatened the victims into silence. Although the crimes committed are terrible, the resultant exposure they get – without providing the same or proportional exposure to the opposite “good man” – gives a very one-sided modelling for boy and girl children. We hear the graphic details of the rape and murder, but we never hear the loving details of the man who came home, helped his wife cook dinner, tucked the kids in and read them a story. We probably assume this man doesn’t exist and I made him up for the sake of artistic licence!

an international google experiment

  • “rape” 46,600,000 hits / “murder” 97,000,000 hits / “caring” 54,900,000 hits
  • "positive masculinity" 1,900 hits / "good masculinity" 546 hits / “toxic masculinity” 1,720 hits / “negative masculinity” 680 hits
  • “man rapes girl” 1,510,000 / “man cooks dinner for family” 371,000
  • "rapist and murderer" 41,600 hits / “murderer and rapist” 11,000 hits / "good male role model" 1,860 hits / “great male role model” 239 hits / "real life hero -girl –woman” 36,800 hits
  • And then very surprisingly… “I hate my dad” 20,300 hits / “I love my dad” 2,270,000 hits!

I hate my dad too. He was always mean to my mum too, so when she finally got the courage to move out he blamed it all on me and my brother. He turned us against her, so we didn’t see her for nearly a year. Now my dad has met a girlfriend and doesn’t want to know us. He keeps yelling at us saying that we are being nasty to his girlfriend and she's not helping. She wants us out and dad isn’t doing anything to stop her. He leaves us alone all the time while he goes [out with] his girlfriends, he's there now. My mum only lets us round hers on Fridays because her boyfriend doesn’t like us, so it’s just me and my brother.5

I 'm sure a lot of you don't know what I mean by I love my dad. It's not [incestuous] or like that. But people who know my story think I hate him. He was always a neglectful father and he's in jail until my 17th birthday, July 3rd 2007-- I wish I knew people that knew what it was like to have an alcoholic, jail-bird dad like me.6

I Love My Dad. I am so Blessed and grateful that God chose him to be my Dad. My father is 82 years old and still living on his own. He is very spry and active. He goes downtown by public transportation, every single day, whether in the snow, rain or shine. I do worry about him though, being out and about so much at his age, but if he sat still too long, it would probably be the end of him. I have always been and still am "Daddy's Little Girl". I think every girl deserves a Dad like mine.7

leaving men behind...

As women have been redefining their gender roles through development programmes, men have not been doing so. They have been greatly neglected in social development activities. This has created a disparity between how men and women view gender roles and associated behaviours. Many women undergo programmes that help build their self-esteem and sense of self-worth. There are very few of these programmes aimed at men when, strangely, such programmes would probably contribute greatly to crime and violence prevention.

The importance attached to material and social goods and the issue of status and masculinity are taken up by David Bruce in Chapter 3. Bruce cites Young referring to societies as ‘bulimic’, in that they simultaneously include and exclude people. He uses this concept to develop the concept of status insecurity and the accompanying frustration that is lived out in the form of violence.

Bruce explores research into gender violence conducted by Wood and Jewkes in Ngangelizwe in the Eastern Cape. One of the key findings is that violence against female sexual partners by young men is intimately bound up with their perception or worldview. Locating his arguments within Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, Bruce identifies status as comparable with Maslow’s esteem, or fourth level.

Citing the ‘A Nation in the Making’ report released by the South African government in 2006, Bruce locates violent property crime, crimes of violence against women and interpersonal violence between men within the arguments made in this report that the obsession within South African society with status and materialism may drive some to operate outside the bounds of legality.

After analysing SAPS and victimisation data for South Africa, Bruce shows how the quest for self-respect and respect in the eyes of peers and potential partners and the associated quest for status, often translates into violence.

An individual’s ability to deal with the complexities and uncertainties of the modern world and a society in a state of transition is affected by that individual’s sense of self-worth and integration. In a society that does ultimately exclude and include through a range of social and economic processes, the inability to deal successfully with such pressures and to ‘be someone in the world’ results in frustrations that are acted out in various forms of violence.8


intersection between masculinity and child wellbeing

Johannesburg - A 19-year-old man was arrested for allegedly raping his landlord's seven-year-old son, Tembisa police said on Monday. Constable Tebogo Sesing said the man allegedly called the boy into his room on Saturday, forced himself on him and threatened to kill him if he told anyone what had happened.

"When the boy got out of the room, his mother realised he was not walking properly. When she asked the son what happened, he told her their tenant locked him in his room and forcefully undressed him before raping him," Sesing said. The man was arrested and detained at the Tembisa police station after the boy's mother called the police.9

spiral of violence

figure 1: prevalence of childhood abuse among child sexual abusers10

According to Richter (2005), sexual offenders are far more likely to have experienced sexual and physical abuse as children than property and/or drug offenders11. This is especially true of paedophiles that target male children. Now, reflect on the statistics provided by the Department of Correctional Statistics where 97.84% of sentenced inmates are male and where 70.27% of crimes for which individual are sentenced are violent and/or sexual. Then also consider the number of violent and/or sexual crimes that are committed against children. For rape and indecent assault (male and female rape), this could be anywhere between 20,000 and 200,000 per year or possibly more given the low rates of reporting.

The observation that male paedophile sex offenders who target male children are more likely to themselves have experienced sexual and physical abuse as children is particularly disturbing. If this phenomenon is occurring, a tentative conclusion could be drawn that the rate of reported sexual abuse of male children should be much higher than it currently is. Are male children not being raped and abused as extensively as female children, or is it being grossly under-reported? In a country where so many male children are exposed to physical and sexual abuse, the latter seems more probable.

Based on the above information, it seems likely that South Africa is in the grips of a deeply entrenched cycle of violence, where mostly men commit violent crimes against female and (probably mostly) male children, who in turn are far more likely to go on and repeat those crimes as adults – creating an ever widening spiral of violence, particularly in men. Intensive, positive programmes are needed to curb, halt and ultimately reverse the growth of this spiral.

The number of child victims and acts per molester depended on whether the molester targeted girls, boys or both. Those molesting only girls averaged 5.2 victims and 34.2 acts. Those molesting only boys averaged 10.7 victims and 52 acts. Those molesting both averaged 27.3 victims and 120.9 acts. While many more men molested girls, the men who molested boys averaged double the number of victims. 47% of male molesters had been molested as a child. The number of victims also varied depending on whether the molester had himself been molested as a child. The never-abused molesters averaged 7 child victims while abused molesters averaged 25 victims. On average, sexually abused molesters committed over 100 more acts than never-abused molesters.12

the effects of patriarchy and resultant constructs of masculinity

employment

In patriarchal societies men are seen as the material providers for their families, as well as “the head of the household”. With South Africa’s high unemployment rates, many men are not able to fulfil their perceived role of provider.

He goes on to speak about the “frustration” he experienced as a man without employment, and the need to turn to something that would “help” him. He speaks about the effects of his drinking and the effects of “blind rage” as he came to name it in our therapeutic conversation and “laughing water” alcohol had on him, and the fact that it took him into a “deep pit, the deep hole of not caring”. This “not caring” meant not caring for himself, his family, his church and wider family. This finally led to the “accident”, the effects of “blind rage” allied with “laughing water”. He tells how he went berserk and drove his car at his wife, missing her, but hitting his young son. The consequence is prison.13

figure 2: variability in education levels, employment rates and occupational status

division of labour

The current patriarchal system does not encourage male involvement with child rearing and the formation of close and nurturing relationships. Fathers are widely seen as the disciplinarians and mothers are the nurturers.

The division of labour within the household is different for adult male and females, and for boy and girl children. This culture places a substantial burden on women as they are responsible for the care and maintenance of the family and the home, and the primary caregivers for children and for ill family members. Men are traditionally excluded from these activities, an exclusion that is reinforced by both men and women.

power dynamics

When it comes to sexuality – regardless of culture – the defining of power of patriarchy, and the necessarily subordinate positions of women and children, is clear. In spite of the law, and is spite of norms that proscribe sexual acts with children, it s men, with or without the connivance of women, who have the structural and physical power to define sexual relations. Indeed, across the world, it is predominantly men who sexually abuse children, and it is clear from this volume that southern African men from all backgrounds are no exception. This fact must be an integral part of our quest to understand child sexual abuse. It is crucial that we understand the way in which our various cultures construct expectations and norms for men. The risk of abuse is likely to rise where these cultural constructions expect men to exercise power over women and children.14

the health of the family

First, contemporary gender roles are seen as conferring on men the ability to influence and/or determine the reproductive health choices made by women – whether these choices be about the utilisation of health care services, family planning, condom use or sexual abstinence. Second, contemporary gender roles are viewed as also compromising men’s health by encouraging men to equate a range of risky behaviours – the use of violence, alcohol and drugs, the pursuit of multiple sexual partners, and the domination of women – with being manly, while simultaneously encouraging men to view health-seeking behaviours as a sign of weakness. Such gender roles leave men especially vulnerable to HIV infection, decrease the likelihood that they will seek HIV testing, and increase the likelihood of contributing to actions and situations that facilitate the spread of the virus. Third, men are seen as having a personal investment in challenging the current gender order because it is in their health interests to do so, and also because they often care deeply about the women placed at risk of violence and ill-health by the consequences of these gender role constellations.15

In South African households with male leaders, it is predominantly these men who determine the economic activity and expenditure in the household. This expenditure may not focus on the wellbeing of the children and family members, such as through the purchase of alcohol or using the funds to support sexual relationships outside of the household. This is not, however, limited to men as large numbers of women also neglect children economically.

absentee fathers


figure 3: presence of fathers of children (younger than 15 years)16

 

Some children express the pain of not living with their father and sometimes of not even knowing their father’s name. Not all fathers desert their children, of course. The interviews provide evidence of men who care for their children (or grandchildren) and constitute role models for them. But such men are the exception. One wonders how boy who have been deprived of the presence of a father will ever learn how to become fathers themselves.17


intersection between masculinity and hiv

Sexual violence is linked with a culture of violence involving negative attitudes (e.g. deliberate intention to spread HIV) and reduced capacity to make positive decisions or to respond appropriately to HIV-prevention campaigns. More significantly, the experience of sexual assault has also been linked to risks for HIV infection. Equally interesting, two recent studies conducted among men in a township community and in an STI clinic both showed that men with a history of sexual assault were also at significantly higher risk for HIV transmission than their counterparts without such a history. In South Africa, the gender system fosters power imbalances that facilitate women’s risks for sexual assault and sexually transmitted infections (STIs). South African men, like men in most societies, possess greater control and power in their sexual relationships.19

 

table 4: hiv and aids indicators at mid-200618
people living with hiv/aids
no.
%
Total HIV infected
5372000
100%
Adults (20-64)
4880000
91%
Adult men (20-64)
2179000
41%
Adult women (20-64)
2702000
50%
Adults (15-49)
4756000
89%
Adult men (15-49)
1946000
36%
Adult women (15-49)
2810000
52%
Youth (15-24)
1012000
19%
Male youth (15-24)
181000
3%
Female youth (15-24)
831000
15%
Children (0-14)
294000
5%
New infections
527000
10%

 

Women with the least power in their relationships are at the highest risk for both sexual assault and HIV infection, both stemming from the inability of women to control the actions of their sex partners. Men who have limited resources and lack the opportunity for social advancement often resort to exerting power and control over women. Importantly, sexist beliefs and negative attitudes toward women are held by men who have not been sexually violent as well as men who have a history of sexual violence. In fact, negative attitudes toward women are so pervasive there is evidence that they are often held by women themselves. Power and control disparities in relationships create a context for men to have multiple concurrent partners and fuel their reluctance to use condoms. Unfortunately, men’s attitudes toward women impede HIV preventive actions and can culminate in the acceptance of violence against women.

Qualitative studies in South Africa consistently show that men believe they are more powerful than women and that men are expected to control women in their relationships. There is also evidence that men often hold attitudes that accept violence against women including beliefs that women should be held responsible for being raped. One in three men receiving STI clinic services endorsed the belief that women are raped because of things that they say and do and half of men believed that rape mainly happens when a woman sends a man ‘sexual signals’.20

 

Incarceration is a risk factor for HIV and is correlated with unprotected sex and injecting drug use in correctional facilities, but may also include risk of blood exposure as a product of violence and other factors. Interventions for risk reduction include provision of voluntary testing and counselling, condom provision, addressing rape, and addressing intravenous drug use58. Male prisoners are predominantly vulnerable but risks extend to female prisoners. Little is known about the extent of HIV in South African correctional services, nor the relationship between known risk factors and HIV acquisition in South Africa. However, a small study in Westville medium security prison near Durban in 2002 found an HIV prevalence of 29.6% amongst male prisoners.21


references

  1. http://www.sapsjournalonline.gov.za/dynamic/journal_dynamic.aspx?pageid=414&jid=12117 accessed 2008-11-07
  2. http://www.dcs.gov.za/WebStatistics/ accessed 2008-11-07
  3. South African Police Services Annual Report 2007/2008
  4. Mid-year population estimates 2007, Statistics SA
  5. http://www.babycrowd.com/forums/divorced_family/I_HATE_MY_DAD/ accessed 2008-11-08
  6. http://www.experienceproject.com/uw.php?e=22111 accessed 2008-11-08
  7. http://www.experienceproject.com/stories/Love-My-Dad/217137 accessed 2008-11-08
  8. Burton, P (Ed), 2007, “Someone Stole My Smile: An Exploration into the Causes of Youth Violence in South Africa”, Centre For Justice And Crime Prevention, Monograph Series, No 3, Cape Town
  9. http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/News/0,,2-7-1442_2420383,00.html accessed 2008-11-08, news24.com - Man rapes landlord's son (03/11/2008) SAPA
  10. Richter, L (Ed), Sexual Abuse of young children in Southern Africa, 2005, HSRC Press
  11. Richter, L (Ed), Sexual Abuse of young children in Southern Africa, 2005, HSRC Press page 79
  12. Excerpted from “The Stop Child Molestation Book”, by Gene G. Abel, M.D., and Nora Harlow, Xlibris 2001, Study text refised April 2002
  13. The subversion of patriarchy: exploring pastoral care with men in the Church of the Province of South Africa on East Rand, David Hugh Bannerman, 2007, University of South Africa.
  14. Richter, L (Ed), Sexual Abuse of young children in Southern Africa, 2005, HSRC Press page 6
  15. Richter. L and Morrell. R (Ed), “Baba – men and fatherhood in South Africa”, 2006, HSRC Press, page 283
  16. Richter. L and Morrell. R (Ed), “Baba – men and fatherhood in South Africa”, 2006, HSRC Press, page 48
  17. Richter. L and Morrell. R (Ed), “Baba – men and fatherhood in South Africa”, 2006, HSRC Press, page 247
  18. HIV & AIDS and STI Strategic Plan for South Africa 2007-2011 – page 24
  19. HIV & AIDS and STI Strategic Plan for South Africa 2007-2011 – page 30
  20. HIV & AIDS and STI Strategic Plan for South Africa 2007-2011 – page 31
  21. 21 HIV & AIDS and STI Strategic Plan for South Africa 2007-2011 – page 35

 

 

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